Under the Sign of the Scorpion: the Rise and Fall of the Soviet Empire

The new, third, enlarged edition (592 pages) is now available.

Hard cover. Almost 180 new pages, updates on every page. Very new information.

 

This  book provides stunning information about the secret role of the freemasons in international politics, about the bloody upheavals in France in 1789 and in Russia in 1917. The Author reveals the presence of dark Masonic forces behind the scenes (both Lenin and Trotsky were high-ranking freemasons, obeying the International Masonic Council). The Author pursues the history of the communist ideology from the Illuminati of the 18th century, to Moses Hess and his disciples Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. The Illuminati movement was founded on 1 May 1776 in Ingolstadt, Bavaria. The book describes the role of the Illuminati in the French “Revolution”. It then goes on to examine the so-called Russian Revolutions in 1917. Jüri Lina shows how the events in Russia between 1917 and 1991 still affect the fate of the world. The author tries to answer questions like: Where did the Communist idea originate and how was it developed? Why did powerful international financial circles finance the “Russian revolutionaries” in March and November 1917? What was the purpose of the social destruction that followed and in which way did this serve the forces behind the Communists? “Under the Sign of the Scorpion” will change the reader’s perception of reality. After the fall of the Soviet power on 24 August 1991, the official archives have begun to reveal their secrets to amazed Russian historians. There is a constant flow of new shocking information but only a trickle has as yet reached us in Western Europe and America. Above all, we lack an overall picture. It is this picture which Jüri Lina attempts to give us in his book, which is largely based on released Russian material. The author also explains why the Soviet Union was abolished and is currently being recreated under another name – the European Union. “Under the Sign of the Scorpion” is likely to change the reader’s perception of reality. The reader should gain insight into another reality from where certain powers are attempting to control us with invisible threads. The book is illustrated.

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Contents

 

1. False Communists and Sham Christians

 

2. The Illuminati: Triumph of Treachery

The Ideological Background of the Illuminati
The First Disclosures
The Murders of Mozart and Schiller
The Illuminati as Infiltrators
The Jesuits’ Totalitarianism as a Prototype
The Illuminati’s First National Coup
The Illuminati Coup in Sweden
The Illuminati’s Way to World Power
 

3. Karl Marx – Evil’s Idol

Moses Hess – the Teacher of Marx and Engels
The Background of Marx’s View of Humanity
Incredible Admissions by Marx, Disraeli and others
Marx and Engels as Illuminati
1848: “The Year of Revolution” – the First Wave
March 1848 – The Prepared Plan
The Second Wave 1848-49>
The Illuminist Terror Continues…
The Truth Behind the Myths
Marx as a Publicist
The Moral Bankruptcy of Marxism
 

4. The Unknown Vladimir Ulyanov

Lenin as a Freemason
The First Freemasons in Russia
The Nature of Lenin
The Terror under Lenin
The Ideological Background of the Terror
The Last Days of Lenin
 

5. Leon Trotsky – Cynic and Sadist

Trotsky as a Freemason
Parvus – Trotsky’s Mentor
The Attempts at a Coup d’�tat in 1905
Trotsky Abroad
Trotsky as a Merciless Despot
Trotsky’s Comrades
The fall of Admiral Shchastny
The Kronstadt Rebellion
Trotsky as a Grey Eminence
Trotsky as an Anti-intellectual
The Murder of Sergei Yesenin
Stalin as Victor
The Murder of Trotsky
 

6. How the Communists Reached Power

The Background of the First World War
Where did the Russian Jews originate?
The February Coup of 1917
Similarities to the Deposition of the Shah
The Return of Lenin and Trotsky
Revelations in the Press
Kornilov’s Revolt
The Take-Over of Power
The German Aid
The Beginning of the Government Terror
 

7. Through the Labyrinth of Murder

 

8. The Bloodthirsty Wolf of the Kremlin – Lazar Kaganovich

Kaganovich as a Grey Eminence
Destruction of Russian Culture
The Great Famine and Other Crimes
The Great Terror
Beria’s Contribution
The Murder of Stalin
The Power Struggle After Stalin’s Death
 

9. American Aid to the Soviet Union

“Intervention” as a Diversion
The Famine as a Weapon
Deals with the Bolsheviks
Collectivisation as a Weapon
Construction of the Soviet Regime
Increasing American Support
War Aid to Moscow
Foreign Slaves in the Soviet Union
Stalin’s Holy War
Aid During the “Cold War”
Dismantling the Soviet Union
The Phasing Out of Communism in Eastern Europe
The United States Also Helped the Chinese Communists Gain Power.
 

10. The Communist Take Over in Estonia

 

Some Conclusions
Index

Lenin as a Freemason

According to Dr Oleg Platonov, Lenin became a freemason while abroad in 1908. That he really belonged to the freemasons is confirmed by research of Nikolai Svitkov (“About Freemasonry in Russian Exile”, Paris, 1932). But Lenin was acting just as subversive groups used to already in the 1890s. The Illuminati, the Grand Orient, B’nai B’rith (Sons of the Covenant), and other masonic lodges were all interested in incitiny the workers to achieve certain “useful” goals.

According to Svitkov, the most important freemasons from Russia were Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin, Leon Trotsky (Leiba Bronstein), Grigori Zinoviev (Gerson Radomyslsky), Leon Kamenev (Leiba Rosenfeld), Karl Radek (Tobiach Sobelsohn), Maxim Litvinov (Meyer Wallakh), Yakov Sverdlov (Yankel-Aaron Solomon), L. Martov (Julius Zederbaum), Maxim Gorky (Alexei Peshkov), Anatoli Lunacharsky (Bailich), and Zionist Christian Rakovsky among others.

Viktor Bratjev (PhD in History) found in the archives of the KGB evidence that Lunacharsky belonged to the Grand Orient (Anton Pervushin “NKVD and the SS’ Occult Secrets”, St. Petersburg, Moscow, 1999, p 133).

Lenin, Zinoviev, Radek and Sverdlov also belonged to B’nai B’rith. Historians, who have specialised in the activities of B’nai B’rith, including Schwartz-Bostunich, confirmed this information (Viktor Ostretsov, “Freemasonry, Culture and Russian History”, Moscow, 1999, pp. 582-583).

According to the Austrian political scientist Karl Steinhauser (“EG – die Super-UdSSR von morgen” / “The European Union ­– the Super Soviet Union [USSR] of Tomorrow”, Vienna, 1992, p. 192), Lenin belonged to the masonic lodge Art et Travail (Art and Labour) in Switzerland and France. There he attained the 31st degree (Grand Inspecteur Inquisiteur Commandeur), according to historian Yuri Begunov. Oleg Platonov in 1996, published in Moscow a book (in the series “Russia’s Crown of Thorns”) of a masonic secret history (1731 to 1996) in 700 pages. This book is written with the help of the previously secret masonic documents, preserved in the Special Archives of the Soviet Union of Moscow. According to these documents, all high-ranking bolshevik leaders were members of various masonic lodges (Platonov, The Secret History of Freemasonry, Moscow, 2000, II, p. 417).

Lenin belonged to various masonic lodges abroad. He became in 1914 a member of the most evil Grand Orient lodge Les Neuf Soeurs / The Nine Sisters (Soviet Analyst, June 2002, p. 12).

The French freemason Daniel Ligou states that Lenin became a member of the lodge L’Union de Belleville a short time before the summer 1914 (Dictionnaire de la franc-maçonnerie, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1987).

The British politician Winston Churchill also claimed that Lenin and Trotsky belonged to the circle of the masonic and illuminist conspirators (Illustrated Sunday Herald, 8 February 1920). Churchill knew what he was talking about, because he himself was a freemason from 24 May 1901.

When Lenin visited the headquarters of the Grand Orient on rue Cadet in Paris in 1905, he registered in the visitors book (Viktor Kuznetsov, The Secret of the October Coup, St. Petersburg, 2001, p. 42).

The German Grand Lodge made a statement in 1917, according to the meeting minutes: “The anarchist and revolutionary Lenin actually consistently represents the ideals of the international freemasonry.” (Special Archive in Moscow, fund 1421-1-9064; Viktor Ostretsov, “Freemasonry, Culture and Russian History”, Moscow, 1999, pp. 585 and 815)

Lenin and his henchmen did not work for a living. They could still afford to travel around Europe (then relatively more expensive than now) and live in luxury. These professional revolutionaries had only one task – to incite the workers. Lenin’s later activity shows clearly how he followed Adam Weishaupt’s line.

Lenin and Trotsky took part in the international socialist masonic conference in Copenhagen in 1910, where the possibilities of socialising all of Europe were discussed (Franz Weissin, Der Weg zum Sozialismus / The Road to Socialism, Munich, 1930, p. 9).

Alexander Galpern, then secretary of the Russian Masonic Supreme Council, confirmed in 1916 that there were bolsheviks among the freemasons. One can further mention Nikolai Sukhanov (born Himmer) and Nikolai Sokolov. According to Galpern’s testimony, the freemasons also gave Lenin financial aid for his revolutionary activity. This was certified by a known freemason, Grigori Aronson, in his article Freemasons in Russian Politics, published in the Novoye Russkoye Slovo (New York, 8-12 October 1959). The historian Boris Nikolayevsky also mentioned this in his book The Russian Freemasons and the Revolution (Moscow, 1990).

In 1914, two bolsheviks, Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov and Grigori Petrovsky, asked the freemason Alexander Konovalov for economic aid. The latter became a minister in the Provisional Government.

Radio Russia also spoke of Lenin’s activities as a freemason on 12 August 1991.

THROUGH THE LABYRINTH OF MURDER

It was the morning of 30 August 1918. A cyclist turned up in Petrograd’s Palace Square at around nine o’clock. He stopped at house number 6, the headquarters of the Commune Commissariat for Internal Affairs and the Extraordinary Commission, the Cheka. This terror organisation had been founded on 7 December 1917, but officially it did not exist. Only on 18 December 1927, did Pravda publish the decree that officially established the Cheka. The cyclist was a young man wearing a leather jacket and an officer’s cap. He left his bicycle by the door and entered.

It was reception day at the Commissariat for Internal Affairs. Visitors were waiting in the hall and did not notice the young man who sat down near the entrance.

Moisei Uritsky arrived in his car at around ten o’clock. He was the chairman of the Petrograd Cheka. Uritsky had become infamous as the “Butcher of Petrograd”. He threatened to kill all Russians who spoke their native language well. He claimed there was no greater pleasure than watching monarchists die (Oleg Platonov, “The History of the Russian People in the Twentieth Century”, Moscow, 1997, p. 613). Uritsky had executed 5000 officers with his own hands.

Now he quickly walked towards the lift. Suddenly several shots were fired. It was the young man in the leather jacket who had approached Uritsky and shot him in the head and body. Uritsky collapsed. The murderer ran out into the street, jumped on his bicycle and began pedalling as fast as he could.

When they began to chase him by car, he threw away his bicycle and ran into the British Legation. He left the legation after having put on a long coat. When he saw the Red Guards, he opened fire but was quickly overpowered.

This was the official description of the murder of Moisei Uritsky. The suspect was a 22-year-old Jewish technical student, Leonid Kannegisser. This cock-and-bull story was published in 1975 in the book “The Elimination of the Anti-Soviet Subversive Movement” by David Golinkov, who investigated especially important cases at the office of the Public Prosecutor of the Soviet Union.

The doctor of history, Pavel Sofinov, described the same event in a very different manner in 1960, in his book about the history of the Cheka. On the morning of 30 August, the social revo-lutionary Kennigisser, who was the freemason Boris Savinkov’s agent as well as a spy for the British and the French, murdered the head of the Cheka in Petrograd, Moisei Uritsky, in his office. Felix Dzerzhinsky gave orders to search the British Embassy on 31 August.

The social revolutionary Kennigisser had become the student Kannegisser in the meantime, and now he had murdered Uritsky in the hallway of the Cheka instead of in Uritsky’s office. Sofinov’s version probably seemed too contrived to be credible.

“The Grammar of Leninism” by Grigori Nilov (Alexander Kravtsov) was published in London in 1990. In this book the author gave neither theory credibility. Instead he claimed that the Bolshevik Party and the central organisation of the Cheka with Lenin and Dzerzhinsky at the head were behind the murder.

Igor Bunich reveals that the murder of Uritsky was organised by Dzerzhinsky’s protégé Gleb Boky who later became his successor (Bunich, “The Party’s Gold”, St. Petersburg, 1992). The Jewish Chekist, Boky, used to feed the flesh of the executed to the animals in the zoo. Bunich demonstrated that Lenin personally gave the order to murder Uritsky and also to stage an attempt on his own life, to give a reason to immediately begin the mass terror against the Russian people. The murder was also Uritsky’s punishment for having stolen some of the confiscated riches behind Lenin’s back, together with V. Volodarsky (Moisei Gold-stein) and the freemason (Prince) Mikhail Andronnikov who was chief of the Cheka in Kronstadt. Everything was sold via certain Scandinavian banks. Andronnikov was later shot as a German spy.

The murder of the Leningrad Party Secretary, Sergei Kirov (Kostrikov), on 1 December 1934 was in many ways similar to Uritsky’s murder. Kirov was officially murdered by Leonid Nikolayev. Both of these high party functionaries had been murdered professionally and without obstacles. Both were warned in advance. Both murderers could freely gain entrance to the respective buildings. The guards were not present in Smolny, when Kirov was shot. After the murder Nikolayev fainted because of the emotional stress. By order from above, Nikolayev had immediately been set free when he twice before had been arrested close to Kirov, carrying a revolver.

It is clear today that Stalin was behind the murder of Kirov, despite the fact that there are no documents proving this. There is no lack of evidence and logical arguments. Kirov’s bodyguard was prevented from accompanying him, so that the real murderer could shoot him at exactly 4:30 in the afternoon. That event provided a good reason for Stalin to begin his campaign of mass terror. At least 7 million people were killed during that campaign and 18 million were imprisoned. 97 per cent of the participants at the 1934 Party Congress were liquidated.

Kravtsov presented some suspicious circumstances in con-nection with the murder of Uritsky, who was also a member of the Central Committee. No analysis was made of Kannegisser’s revolver and ammunition. The Cheka did not want the truth to come out. Kannegisser was never taken to trial, but was illegally killed. If Kannegisser had really been a social revolutionary, then a trial would have been a propaganda triumph for the regime. It would have been publicly announced who planned the murder. But not even the motive for Uritsky’s murder was ever exposed.

In contrast, it is now known that Lenin became furious when he received reports from Alexander Parvus in Berlin, where it was revealed that someone in Petrograd had stolen from Lenin. Just before, Dzerzhinsky had travelled to Switzerland to investigate the situation. It turned out that not all the cargoes had reached Berlin; not all the money had ended up in the Swiss bank accounts of Lenin and his approved comrades. Some cargoes of “nationalised” goods had been sent to Sweden, including many valuable icons (some of which are still on display in the Swedish National Gallery in Stockholm). The money had gone into the hands of other people than Trotsky and Lenin.

The guilty parties were found, in June 1918. The main suspects were Uritsky, Volodarsky, and Andronnikov, head of the Cheka in Kronstadt. They had stolen whole cargoes and sold everything through different Scandinavian banks. 78 million roubles in gold had vanished in this way (Bunich, “The Party’s Gold”, St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 41). The thieves (others were also involved) had stolen goods worth a total of 2.5 billion roubles in gold (today 7 billion pounds). At various auctions in Stockholm in the autumn of 1995, Russia began buying back valuable antique furniture, which had been illicitly transported to Sweden.

This came as an unpleasant surprise for Parvus, since Uritsky and Volodarsky had been his favourite disciples. Parvus had founded a Yiddish newspaper, Arbaiter Stimme (Worker’s Voice) for Uritsky in Copenhagen, where Grigori Chudnovsky and Nikolai Gordon (Leiba Alie Hael Gordon) had also worked. The latter was a Latvian Jew and a close collaborator with Grigori Zinoviev (Gerson Radomyslsky).

In Moscow, Lenin promised to solve the problem. And indeed, Volodarsky was murdered in the same month. Uritsky led the in-vestigation and learned the truth, upon which he also was murdered.

Kannegisser declared that he had acted alone. The social revo-lutionaries denied all knowledge of Kannegisser. He had never been a member of their party.

Even the circumstance that Kannegisser was wearing an offi-cer’s cap was peculiar when others had hidden their caps to avoid being executed. It seems that he wanted to draw attention to himself. The fact that he ran into the British Legation to change was also strange. He only took off his leather jacket and put on a long coat. Why, then, did he run away from the site of the crime scene at all?

It was also odd that he managed to approach Uritsky unhinde-red and that he was able to escape with the same ease after shoo-ting him. It was impossible to enter without a special permit, since there were armed guards at the door. Strangers could not even speak to Uritsky on the telephone. Mikhail Aldanov has confir-med this. Why did no one react? They saw and heard everything!

Aldanov demonstrated in his study that Kannegisser did not know how to shoot. Aldanov knew both Kannegisser and his family well. How then, could Kannegisser hit Uritsky in the head like a sharpshooter when the latter was walking quickly towards the lift? It appears that Kannegisser was used as a shadow-man, just as Leonid Nikolayev was later used in Kirov’s murder.

The Take-Over of Power

The bolshevik plans to seize power were no secret. The general public was not ignorant of them and least of all the Provisional Government. Zinoviev and Kamenev wrote quite openly of their plans in the newspaper Novaya Zhizn on 31 October. Lenin had also spoken publicly of his plans on a number of occasions. The historian Ernest Milton Halliday admitted in his book “Russia in Revolution” (London, 1967, p. 114) that the authorities knew of the bolshevik plans in detail. So why, unless they were involved in the conspiracy, did they do nothing about it?

For several historians, however, the mystery was not so much the fact that the bolsheviks had officially discussed their take-over plans in the press, but that the Provisional Government took no steps to protect itself; in fact it did quite the opposite. Prime Minister Alexander Kerensky refused to order special troops to Petrograd, when this was suggested.

It is of course a fabrication that the leading bolsheviks gathered on 23 October (5 November) in Nikolai Sukhanov’s (Gimmel’s) flat and only then decided to organise the assault on the Winter Palace. Any other bolshevik leaders but Lenin and Trotsky would have said that armed action was completely unnecessary, since they would gain power at the Second Soviet Congress on 25 October (7 November) anyway.

This seems to have been a later invention since Trotsky had already formed a military revolutionary committee on 12 (25) October. Power was transferred to this organ in secret on 21 October, that is 3 November (Heller and Nekrich, “Utopia in Power”, London, 1986, p. 37-38).

All the available facts suggest an organised plot and not any kind of spontaneous action.

Lenin was not seen between the 2 and 7 November. He was not needed. It was Trotsky who organised everything. Lenin disap-peared from Fofanova’s flat in the late evenings. Only Stalin knew anything about Lenin’s mysterious disappearances. Lenin was not at Fofanova’s on the evening of 24 October (6 November). Neither was he in the Soviet building in the Smolny palace. This was confirmed in the book “About Nadezhda Krupskaya” (Mos-cow, 1988). Nadezhda had come from Smolny to Fofanova’s flat to look for Lenin. But he was not there. The historians Heller and Nekrich came to the same conclusion: Lenin was not even in Smolny in the late evening of the 6 November.

According to other sources, he turned up only on 7 November. He had taken a tram to Smolny. Lenin said to Trotsky in German: “Es schwindelt!” (I’m dizzy!). He was in control! Lenin im-mediately began threatening with executions if he was not completely obeyed. But it was still Trotsky who led the show.

The Soviet Congress, which had taken up residence in the Smolny School for Girls, was led by Fyodor Dan (Gurvich, 1871-1947), one of the menshevik leaders. The conspirators announced already at 10:40 a. m. of 7 November that the Provisional Govern-ment had been overthrown and the power seized by the soviets. The Soviet Congress accepted the motion to form a new govern-ment ­– the Council of People’s Commissars (Sovnarkom). The suggestion received 390 votes out of 650. The government was to be exclusively composed of bolsheviks with Lenin at the helm. The leader of the mensheviks, Martov, left the congress together with the other members of his party.

REVIEW

REVIEWED: Swedish book “Under Skorpionens tecken: Sovjetmaktens uppkomst och fall”. (“Under the Sign of the Scorpion: The Rise and Fall of Soviet Empire”), Referent Publishing, Stockholm, 2002.

 

“Under the Sign of the Scorpion” is a fantastic book. Even its subtitle, “The Rise and Fall of Soviet Empire” seemed to promise just too much. The present reviewer was not disappointed, however. In the comparatively small space of 447 pages the author has succeeded in giving the reader that wealth of details (the index of persons mentioned in the book comprises more than 1200 names) as well as that necessary survey which together make a historical account alive, in the highest degree.

Lina starts by following, in two chapters, the history of com�munist thought from 18th century Illuminates up to Moses Hess and his disciples Marx and Engels. The subsequent chapters on Lenin and Trotsky, respectively, afford a lot of little known facts. For instance, how many people know that both Lenin and Trotsky and Marx and Engels were high-ranking freemasons?

Thereupon Lina concentrates on the course of events leading up to the November coup of 1917, the so-called Russian Revolution. Beside generally known facts about the aid given by the German government, Lina gives a detailed account of the finan�cial aid that bank circles in Germany, Great Britain, and the United States gave the Bolshevik leaders. He also exposes that network of family and other personal relationships which made it possible for very influential, chiefly Jewish financial groups to operate across the borders of the two combating blocs of the First World War.

Lina proves to be a skilful pedagogue when demonstrating how the implacable mutual hostility that was enacted between the financial and revolutionary interests, was just a show to deceive the masses: “The Revolution as a business venture.”

His description of the time after 1917 is chiefly devoted to the nameless mass terror, which the Soviet Power directed against the defenseless population, including the destruction of the Russian intelligentsia, and the annihilation of the Russian culture.

Why did the bolsheviks nourish such a deep-set hatred of everything Russian, desiring to destroy it even to the extent that it threatened their own material existence? According to Lina, the reason for this was that the majority of the Bolshevik leadership were not Russians at all but extremist Jews. This is a fact that some debaters feel is controversial. Lina, however, presents detailed evidence that is very difficult to dismiss.

Still, many a reader may find it very difficult to conceive the fact that a powerful empire in our century could so easily fall prey to ruthless gangsters who immediately set out to slaughter tens of millions of innocent people, organized mass famine (Ukraine and Northern Caucasia, in 1932-33), to say nothing of the rest. Anyhow, the facts are there.

The fall of Soviet Power on 24 August 1991 made it possible, for the first time, to publicize lots of secret materials about this power and its abusers during more than 70 years. One strong point with Lina’s book is that he gives us what appears to be a rich summary of what has hitherto been published by Russian historians but which has not reached out of Russia except than in small rivulets.

Jüri Lina is an Estonian, living in Sweden since 1979 when he, like Alexander Solzhenitsyn, was forced into exile after recurring conflicts with the political police KGB. The last chapter of his book he devotes to the fate of his fatherland under Soviet Power, 1940-41 and 1944-1991. Here, too, “the Jewish connection” is very clearly seen. To cite just an instance: When Soviet Russia occupied Estonia for the first time, in 1940, this was preceded by diverse underground activities by the Estonian Communist Party. These were without much effect, however, mainly because the party was so small in numbers. Out of the total of 133 members in 1940, however, 67 were also members of two Jewish “cultural” associations. That is to say, there was a majority of Jews in the Communist fifth column that attempted to overthrow the Estonian Republic, while at the same time the Jews were not more than 0,4 per cent of the total population.

This last chapter on Estonia is very interesting to read also because the wealth of details of the destinies of individuals who “chanced to escape the anonymity of the great terror waves”. Here, Lina bases his presentation on his own research into the archives of Estonian KGB, now open to researchers. It is also very upsetting to read about this mass of human suffering – what else could we expect?

In the opinion of the present reviewer, Jüri Lina’s book “Under the Sign of the Scorpion: The Rise and Fall of Soviet Empire” is one of those rare books that must leave a profound and lasting impression on every reader.

Reviewed by S. D. Savallar