SECOND, ENLARGED EDITION IN ENGLISH
This 447 page book provides stunning information about the secret role of the freemasons in international politics, about the bloody upheavals in France in 1789 and in Russia in 1917. The Author reveals the presence of dark Masonic forces behind the scenes (both Lenin and Trotsky were high-ranking freemasons and Illuminati, obeying the International Masonic Council). The Author pursues the history of the communist ideology from the Illuminati of the 18th century, to Moses Hess and his disciples Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. The Illuminati movement was founded on 1 May 1776 in Ingolstadt, Bavaria. The book describes the role of the Illuminati in the French “Revolution”. It then goes on to examine the so-called Russian Revolutions in 1917. Jüri Lina shows how the events in Russia between 1917 and 1991 still affect the fate of the world.
The author tries to answer questions like: Where did the Communist idea originate and how was it developed? Why did powerful international financial circles finance the “Russian revolutionaries” in March and November 1917? What was the purpose of the social destruction that followed and in which way did this serve the forces behind the Communists?
“Under the Sign of the Scorpion” will change the reader’s perception of reality. After the fall of the Soviet power on 24 August 1991, the official archives have begun to reveal their secrets to amazed Russian historians. There is a constant flow of new shocking information but only a trickle has as yet reached us in Western Europe and America. Above all, we lack an overall picture. It is this picture which Jüri Lina attempts to give us in his book, which is largely based on released Russian material.
The author also explains why the Soviet Union was abolished and is currently being recreated under another name – the European Union.
“Under the Sign of the Scorpion” is likely to change the reader’s perception of reality. The reader should gain insight into another reality from where certain powers are attempting to control us with invisible threads.
The book is illustrated.
This book is out of print now.
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1. Myths Concerning False Communists and Sham Christians
2. The Illuminati: Triumph of Treachery
The Ideological Background of the Illuminati
The First Disclosures
The Murders of Mozart and Schiller
The Illuminati as Infiltrators
The Jesuits’ Totalitarianism as a Prototype
The Illuminati’s First National Coup
The Illuminati’s Way to World Power
3. Karl Marx –Evil’s Idol
Moses Hess – the Teacher of Marx and Engels
The Background of Marx’s View of Humanity
Incredible Admissions by Marx, Disraeli and others
Marx and Engels as Illuminati
1848: “The Year of Revolution” – the First Wave
March 1848 – The Prepared Plan
The Second Wave 1848-49>
The Illuminist Terror Continues…
The Truth Behind the Myths
Marx as a Publicist
The Moral Bankruptcy of Marxism
4. The Unknown Vladimir Ulyanov
Lenin as a Freemason
The First Freemasons in Russia
The Ideological Background of the Terror
Lenin’s Last Days
5. Leon Trotsky – Cynic and Sadist
Trotsky as a Freemason
Trotsky’s Teacher Parvus
The Attempts at a Coup d’ï¿½tat in 1905
Trotsky as a Merciless Despot
The fall of Admiral Shchastny
The Kronstadt Rebellion
Trotsky as a Grey Eminence
Trotsky as an Anti-intellectual
The Murder of Sergei Yesenin
Stalin as Victor
The Murder of Trotsky
6. How the Communists Reached Power
The Background of the First World War
Where did the Russian Jews originate?
The Coup in February 1917
Similarities to the Deposition of the Shah
The Return of Lenin and Trotsky
Revelations in the Press
The Take-Over of Power
The German Aid
The Beginning of the Government Terror
7. Through the Labyrinth of Murder
8. The Bloodthirsty Wolf of the Kremlin – Lazar Kaganovich
Kaganovich as a Grey Eminence
Destruction of Russian Culture
The Great Famine and Other Crimes
The Great Terror
The Murder of Stalin
The Power Struggle After Stalin’s Death
9. American Aid to the Soviet Union
“Intervention” as a Diversion
Famine as a Weapon
Deals with the Bolsheviks
Collectivisation as a Weapon
Construction of the Soviet Regime
Increasing American Support
War Aid to Moscow
Foreign Slaves in the Soviet Union
Stalin’s Holy War
Aid During the “Cold War”
Dismantling the Soviet Union
Phasing Out of Communism in Eastern Europe
The United States Also Helped the Chinese Communists Gain Power.
10. The Communist Take Over in Estonia
Lenin as a Freemason
Whether Lenin was a freemason as early as in the 1890s is not yet possible to determine but he worked in the same way as subversive groups usually do. The Illuminati, the Grand Orient, B’nai B’rith (Sons of the Covenant), and other Masonic lodges were all interested in agitating the workers towards certain “useful” goals.
It is important to stress that Lenin and his henchmen did not work for a living. They could still afford to travel around Europe (then relatively more expensive than now) and live in luxury. These professional revolutionaries had only one task – to agitate the workers. Lenin’s later activity shows clearly how he followed Adam Weishaupt’s line.
Several sources reveal that Lenin became a freemason whilst abroad in 1908. One of these sources is a thorough investigation: Nikolai Svitkov’s “About Freemasonry in Russian Exile”, published in Paris in 1932. According to Svitkov, the most important freemasons from Russia were Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin, Leon Trotsky (Leiba Bronstein), Grigori Zinoviev (Gerson Radomyslsky), Leon Kamenev (actually Leiba Rosen-feld), Karl Radek (Tobiach Sobelsohn), Maxim Litvinov (Meyer Hennokh Wallakh), Yakov Sverdlov (Yankel-Aaron Solomon), L. Martov (Yuli Zederbaum), and Maxim Gorky (Alexei Peshkov), among others.
According to the Austrian political scientist Karl Steinhauser’s “EG – die Super-UdSSR von morgen” / “The European Union – the Super Soviet Union (USSR) of Tomorrow” (Vienna, 1992, p. 192), Lenin belonged to the Masonic lodge Art et Travail (Art and Labour). The famous British politician Winston Churchill also confirmed that Lenin and Trotsky belonged to the circle of the Masonic and Illuminist conspirators. (Illustrated Sunday Herald, 8 February 1920.)
Lenin, Zinoviev, Radek and Sverdlov also belonged to B’nai B’rith. Researchers who are specialised in the activities of B’nai B’rith, including Schwartz-Bostunich, confirmed this infor-mation. (Viktor Ostretsov, “Freemasonry, Culture and Russian History”, Moscow, 1999, pp. 582-583.)
Lenin was a freemason of the 31st degree (Grand Inspecteur Inquisiteur Commandeur) and a member of the lodge Art et Travail in Switzerland and France. (Oleg Platonov, “Russia’s Crown of Thorns: The Secret History of Freemasonry”, Moscow, 2000, part II, p. 417.)
When Lenin visited the headquarters of Grand Orient on rue Cadet in Paris, he signed the visitors’ book. (Viktor Kuznetsov, “The Secret of the October Coup”, St. Petersburg, 2001, p. 42.)
Together with Trotsky, Lenin took part in the International Masonic Conference in Copenhagen in 1910. (Franz Weissin, “Der Weg zum Sozialismus” / “The Road to Socialism”, Munich, 1930, p. 9.) The socialisation of Europe was on the agenda.
Alexander Galpern, then secretary of the Masonic Supreme Council, confirmed in 1916 that there were Bolsheviks among the freemasons. I can further mention Nikolai Sukhanov (actually Himmer) and N. Sokolov. According to Galpern’s testimony, the freemasons also gave Lenin financial aid to his revolutionary activity. This was certified by a known freemason, Grigori Aronson, in his article “Freemasons in Russian Politics”, published in the Novoye Russkoye Slovo (New York, 8-12 October 1959). The historian Boris Nikolayevsky also mentioned this in his book “The Russian Freemasons and the Revolution” (Moscow, 1990).
In 1914, two Bolsheviks, Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov and Grigori Petrovsky, contacted the freemason Alexander Konovalov for economic aid. The latter became a minister in the Provisional Government.
Radio Russia also spoke of Lenin’s activities as a freemason on 12 August 1991.
THROUGH THE LABYRINTH OF MURDER
It was the morning of the 30th of August 1918. A cyclist turned up in Petrograd’s Palace Square at around nine o’clock. He stopped at house number 6, the headquarters of the Commune Commissariat for Internal Affairs and the Extra-Ordinary Commission, the Cheka. This terror organisation had been founded on 7 December 1917, but officially it did not exist. Only on the 18th December 1927 did Pravda publish the decree officially establishing the Cheka. The cyclist was a young man wearing a leather jacket and an officer’s cap. He left his bicycle by the door and entered.
It was reception day at the Commissariat for Internal Affairs. The visitors were waiting in the hall and did not notice the young man who sat down near the outer door.
Moisei Uritsky (actually Boretsky) arrived in his car at around ten o’clock. He was the chairman of the Petrograd Cheka. Uritsky became infamous as the “Butcher of Petrograd”. He threatened to kill all Russians who spoke their native language well. He claimed there was no greater pleasure than watching monarchists die, according to Igor Bunich (“The Party’s Gold”, St. Petersburg, 1992) and Oleg Platonov (“The History of the Russian People in the Twentieth Century”, Moscow, 1997, p. 613). Uritsky had executed 5000 officers with his own hands. Now he quickly walked towards the lift door. Suddenly several shots were heard. It was the young man in the leather jacket who had approached Uritsky and shot him in his head and body. Uritsky collapsed. The murderer ran out into the street, jumped on his bicycle and began pedalling as fast as he could.
When they began to chase him by car, he threw away his bicycle and ran into the British Representation. He left the representation after having donned a longcoat. When he saw Red Guards, he opened fire but was quickly overpowered.
This was the official description of Moisei Uritsky’s murder. The suspect was a 22-year-old Jewish student of technology, Leonid Kannegisser. This cock-and-bull story was published in 1975 in the book “The Elimination of the Anti-Soviet Subversive Movement” by D. Golinkov, who used to investigate especially important cases at the office of the Public Prosecutor of the Soviet Union.
The doctor of history, P. Sofinov, described the same event in a very different manner in 1960, in his book about the history of the Cheka. On the morning of the 30th of August, the Social Revolutionary Kennigisser, who was the freemason Savinkov’s agent as well as a spy for the British and the French, murdered the chief of the Cheka in Petrograd, Moisei Uritsky, in his office. Felix Dzerzhinsky (actually Rufin) gave orders to search the British Embassy on the 31st of August.
The Social Revolutionary Kennigisser had become the student Kannegisser in the meantime, and now he had murdered Uritsky in the hallway of the Cheka instead of in Uritsky’s office. Sofinov’s version probably seemed too contrived to be credible.
Grigori Nilov’s (Alexander Kravtsov’s) book “The Grammar of Leninism” was published in London in 1990. In this book the author gave neither theory credibility. Instead he claimed that the Bolshevik party and the central organisation of the Cheka with Lenin and Dzerzhinsky at the head were behind Uritsky’s murder.
The book “The Party’s Gold” by the historian Igor Bunich was published in St. Petersburg in 1992. Igor Bunich reveals that the murder of Uritsky was organised by Dzerzhinsky’s protï¿½gï¿½ Gleb Boky who later became Dzerzhinsky’s successor. The Jewish Chekist, Boky, used to feed the flesh of the executed to the animals in the zoo. Igor Bunich demonstrated that Lenin personally gave the order to murder Uritsky and also to stage an attempt on his own life to give himself a reason to immediately begin the mass terror against the Russian population. The murder was also Uritsky’s punishment for stealing some of the confiscated riches from behind Lenin’s back, together with V. Volodarsky (actually Moisei Goldstein) and the freemason Andronnikov (who was chief of the Cheka in Kronstadt). Everything was sold via certain Scandinavian banks – but more about that later.
The murder of Sergei Kirov (actually Kostrikov) on 1 December 1934 was in many ways similar to Uritsky’s murder. Kirov was officially murdered by Leonid Nikolaiev. Both of those high party functionaries had been murdered professionally and without obstacles. Both were warned in advance. Both murderers could freely gain entrance to the respective buildings.
It is clear today that Stalin was behind the murder of Kirov, despite the fact that there are no documents about this. There is no lack of evidence and logical arguments. Kirov’s bodyguard was prevented from accompanying him, so that the real murderer could shoot the Leningrad Party Secretary at exactly 4:30 in the afternoon. That event provided a good reason for Stalin to begin his campaign of mass terror. At least 7 million people were killed during that campaign and 18 million were imprisoned. 97 per cent of the participants at the 1934 Party Congress were liquidated.
Kravtsov presented some suspect circumstances in connection with the murder of Uritsky, who was also a member of the Central Committee. No analysis was made of Kannegisser’s revolver and ammunition. The Cheka did not seem to want the truth to come out. Kannegisser was never taken to trial, but was illegally killed. If Kannegisser had really been a Social Revolutionary, then a trial would have been a propaganda triumph for the regime. It would have been publicly announced who planned the murder. But not even the motive for Uritsky’s murder was ever revealed.
In contrast, it is known now that Lenin became furious when he received reports from Alexander Parvus in Berlin in which it was revealed that someone in Petrograd had stolen from Lenin. Just before Dzerzhinsky had travelled to Switzerland to investigate the situation. It turned out that not all the cargoes had reached Berlin; not all the money had ended up in the Swiss bank accounts of Lenin and his approved comrades. Some cargoes of “nationalised” goods had been sent to Sweden, including many valuable icons (some of these are still on display in the National Museum in Stockholm), the money had gone into the hands of other people than Trotsky and Lenin. The guilty parties were soon found, in June 1918. The main suspects were Uritsky, Volodarsky and Andronnikov (the chief of the Cheka in Kronstadt). They had stolen whole cargoes and sold everything through different Scandinavian banks. 78 million roubles in gold had vanished in this way. (Igor Bunich, “The Party’s Gold”, St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 41.) The thieves (others were also involved) had stolen goods worth a total of 2.5 billion roubles in gold. At various auctions in Stockholm in the autumn of 1995, Russia began buying back valuable antique furniture which had been illicitly transported to Sweden.
This came as an unpleasant surprise for Parvus, since Uritsky and Volodarsky had been his favourite disciples. Parvus had founded a Yiddish newspaper, Arbaiter Stimme (Worker’s Voice) for Uritsky in Copenhagen, on which Grigory Chudnovsky and Nikolai Gordon (Leiba Alie Hael Gordon) had also worked. The latter was a Latvian Jew and a close collaborator with Grigory Zinoviev (Ovsei Radomyslsky).
In Moscow, Lenin promised to solve the problem. And indeed, Volodarsky was murdered in the same month. Uritsky led the investigation and learned the truth, upon which he also was murdered.
Kannegisser declared that he had acted alone. The Social Revolutionaries denied all knowledge of Kannegisser. He had never been a member of their party.
Even the circumstance that Kannegisser was wearing an officer’s cap was peculiar when others had hidden their caps to avoid being executed. It seems he wanted to draw attention to himself. The fact that he ran into the British Embassy to change was also surprising. He only took off his leather jacket and put on a longcoat. Why, then, did he run away from the site of the murder at all? It was also very odd that he managed to approach Uritsky unhindered and that he was able to escape with the same ease after shooting him. It was impossible to enter without a special permit, since there were armed guards at the door. Unknown persons could not even speak to Uritsky on the telephone. This has been confirmed by Mikhail Aldanov. Why did no one react? They saw and heard everything!
Mikhail Aldanov demonstrated in his study that Kannegisser could not shoot. Aldanov knew both him and his family well. How then, could Kannegisser hit Uritsky in his head like a sharpshooter when the latter was walking quickly towards the lift? It appears that Kannegisser was used as a shadowman, just as Leonid Nikolaiev was later used in Kirov’s murder.
Moreover, Lenin, on the afternoon of the 30th of August 1918, sent Dzerzhinsky a short letter, where two people who had shot Uritsky were named. Why has nothing been mentioned about these two later? Who were they?
The fact that Kannegisser admitted to the crime is irrelevant, since the Chekist torturers could make anyone admit to anything. In this case, the opportunity was taken to accuse the right wing of the Social Revolutionaries of the murder.
It has now been confirmed that the central organisation of the Cheka, headed by Gleb Boky, was behind Uritsky’s murder. (Igor Bunich, “The Party’s Gold”, St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 47.)
So the motive was to exact revenge on Uritsky for his thefts. The main purpose was to be given a reason to begin the mass terror. The murder of Kirov had the same motive. But was there not also another reason to dispose of Uritsky now that he had solved the mystery of another murder?
V. Volodarsky (Moisei Goldstein) had been murdered under puzzling circumstances on June 20, 1918. He was the people’s commissary for press, propaganda and agitation. His murderer was at once stamped as a right wing Social Revolutionary, despite the fact that he was never caught.
The Bolshevik leadership in Moscow wanted to begin the massacre immediately. Moisei Uritsky, who investigated the murder of Volodarsky, refused to agree to this. He suspected the hand of the central leadership behind this murder. That was why it was impossible to use this murder as a pretext. Lenin was beside himself with rage. This is clear from Lenin’s angry telegrams, sent on the 26th of June 1918 to Grigori Zinoviev, the chairman of the Petrograd Party Committee. Lenin wrote, among other things: “We in the Central Committee heard today that Piter’s workers want to respond to Volodarsky’s murder with terror but you (not you personally, but Piter’s civil servants) held back. I protest strongly!”
The only one who could ignore the demands to begin the terror was Petrograd’s 45-year-old chief Chekist, Moisei Uritsky. According to Alexander Kravtsov, this telegram clearly shows that the murder of Volodarsky was planned and organised by the Cheka under orders from Lenin. This was confirmed by the historian Igor Bunich.
The Supreme Commander of the Russian army, General Lavr Kornilov (1870-1918), no longer wanted to take part in the shady game of the revolutionary freemasons. He broke away from them and began preparations in Mogilev to overthrow Kerensky’s government. Kornilov understood that those left-wing ministers, who for many years had been shouting that they could do better than the Tsar’s ministers were actually perfectly ignorant people.
According to the prevailing myth, the February revolution was a very positive event. In reality, this coup d’ï¿½tat led only to anarchy, as the writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn emphasised in a BBC interview.
On 19 August (1st September), Kornilov ordered his Cossacks to attack Petrograd. On 25 August (7th September) Kornilov said to his chief of staff: “It is time to hang the Germans’ supporters and spies led by Lenin. And we must destroy the soviets so that they can never assemble again!”
On the same day he sent General Alexander Krymov’s troops towards Petrograd with orders to hang all soviet members. (John Shelton Curtiss, “The Russian Revolution of 1917″, New York, 1957, p. 50.)
In his proclamation on August 26th (September 8th), (Novoye Vremya, 11th of September 1917), Kornilov accused the Provisional Government of co-operating with the Germans to undermine the state and army. He wanted to dissolve the soviets and demanded that Kerensky should step down and give the power up to him. Kornilov understood that the Bolsheviks were the greatest danger to Russia. That was why he wanted them all imprisoned.
Kerensky knew he had been exposed. His game was over. So he continued releasing imprisoned Bolsheviks. Kozlowski was also set free. He worked as a Chekist after the Bolsheviks’ take-over of power.
Kerensky was seized with panic and declared on the 27th of August (September 9th) that Kornilov was a mutineer and officially deprived him of his command. Kerensky turned to the Bolsheviks for help against Kornilov to salvage whatever he could. All the Bolsheviks were, as if by magic, immediately cleared of all charges and presented as the best possible defenders of democracy. Had not Trotsky said in the United States that power should be given to whoever was best able to develop democracy in Russia? The Bolsheviks, however, did everything they could to keep Kerensky in power. It was still too early for them to take over. The Bolsheviks had completely “forgotten” Lenin’s slogan: “No support for the Provisional Government!” (“The Shorter Biography of Lenin”, Moscow, 1955, p. 168.)
The Bolsheviks began organising political strikes. They encouraged the workers and soldiers to defend the government. On the 27th of August the socialists founded a Central Committee against the counter-revolution together with the Bolsheviks. They ordered thousands of sailors from Kronstadt to Petrograd. The workers of Petrograd were forcibly mobilised. The Bolsheviks threatened to kill them if they did not obey. The Red Guards were immediately given back the weapons which had been confiscated during the fierce July days. The soviets began arresting people, primarily those who were suspected of sympathising with Kornilov. Thousands of officers were arrested in this way. A total of 7000 politically “suspect” people were arrested. (John Shelton Curtiss, “The Russian Revolution of 1917″, New York, 1957, p. 53.)
The railwaymen were also mobilised and began sabotaging the railways. Thus Kornilov’s ï¿½lite troops were halted and surrounded.
International freemasonry suddenly began using enormous resources to halt Kornilov, since the appearance of his revolt on the political scene had not been in the manuscript; he had to be removed by any means possible, including guile and violence. He was depicted as the worst thing that ever happened to Russia. Myths about him continue to be spread to this day. It is even claimed that he was ignorant of politics.
The freemasons began a huge propaganda campaign among Kornilov’s soldiers who were thoroughly scared and confused. General Alexander Krymov (a freemason) was invited to negotiations with Kerensky. I do not know what they threatened Krymov with, but upon leaving this meeting he shot himself (if it was really he who held the weapon).
The freemasons succeeded with their combined efforts in stopping Kornilov’s national troops barely a week later, on 30 August (12th September). The left-wing leaders have always regarded right-wing national patriots as the biggest threat to their socialist worldview. Kornilov was arrested on the 1st (14th) of September but later managed to escape.
The Bolsheviks immediately took the initiative in the soviets. On the same day Kornilov was arrested, they gained a majority in the Petrograd Soviet in the local elections. They became dominant in Moscow on 8 (21) September.
Trotsky was also released from prison on 4 (17) September. Nobody wanted to remember anything about the July scandal any longer. Now the time was ripe to prepare a quiet, peaceful transfer of power. The suitable astrological time for the seizure of power had been calculated in advance.
The Take-Over of Power
To confuse and to camouflage their Illuminist order in Russia, the Bolshevik leadership intended to call the future regime the Soviet (i.e. Kahal) regime.
On 21 September 1917, Jakub Fï¿½rstenberg sent a telegram from Stockholm to Raphael Scholan (Shaumann) in Haparanda (it is preserved in the American National Archives): “Dear comrade! The office of the banking house M. Warburg has opened in accordance with telegram from president of Rhenish-Westphalian Syndicate an account for the undertaking of Comrade Trotsky. The attorney (agent), presumably Mr. Kastroff, purchased arms and has organised their transportation… And a person authorised to receive the money demanded by Comrade Trotsky. Fï¿½rstenberg.”
On 23 September (6 October) Trotsky was elected chairman of the Petrograd Workers’ and Soldiers’ Soviet, despite his being neither a soldier nor a worker. Everything was possible among the freemasons.
Meanwhile, the United States demanded ever larger contributions to the war from Kerensky. The Provisional Government reluctantly complied. The minister for war affairs, Alexander Verkhovsky, resigned in protest. It is interesting to note that the American demands ceased immediately after the Bolsheviks had seized power.
I must point out here that, according to Antony Sutton, different documents in the archives of the American State Department prove that David Francis, the American ambassador in Moscow, was kept well-informed about the Bolsheviks’ plans. The White House knew at least six weeks in advance when the Bolsheviks would take over power. That event had been appointed to take place on a date which happened to coincide with Trotsky’s birthday. So, those plans were known in the United States as early as the 13th (26th) September 1917.
The president of the United States Woodrow Wilson knew in advance that the Bolshevik take-over would prolong the world war. But he did nothing to stop their plans. On the contrary, he did everything in his power to aid them. The United States of America was the only nation to make a huge profit on the war. All the other warring powers lost gigantic sums and came to owe the United States a total of 14 billion dollars. It has been calculated that the international financial ï¿½lite made a total of 208 billion dollars on the war.
The British government also knew about the Bolshevik plans, since they also recommended that their subjects leave Moscow at least six weeks before the take-over. (Antony C. Sutton, “Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution”, Morley, 1981, p. 45.) So it appears both London and Washington knew who they were dealing with.
The 8th of November came ever closer and the Bolsheviks did everything in their power to spread apathy among the workers and soldiers, which they later intended to exploit. They also tried to tempt people with the magic word: “Peace!”, which no longer felt so treasonable.
The Bolshevik Party was not very large at this point. Furthermore, it had an Illuminist core of 4000 members who were most active. Meanwhile, the circulation of Pravda decreased from 220 000 to 85 000 copies.
According to Margarita Fofanova, Lenin returned to Petrograd on the 5th and not the 20th of October, as officially claimed. He stayed with Fofanova until the take-over. The authorities knew perfectly well that Lenin was in Petrograd. This was confirmed to an official by Lenin’s sister Maria. The Provisional Government did not in any way try to pursue or arrest Lenin.
The Bolshevik plans to seize power were no secret. The general public was not ignorant about them and least of all the Provisional Government. Zinoviev and Kamenev wrote quite openly of their plans in the newspaper Novaya Zhizn on the 31st of October. Lenin had also spoken publicly of those plans on a number of occasions. The historian E. M. Halliday admitted in his book “Russia in Revolution” (Malmï¿½, 1968, p. 114) that the authorities knew of the Bolshevik plans in detail. So why, unless they were involved in the conspiracy, did they do nothing about it?
For several historians, however, the mystery was not so much the fact that the Bolsheviks had officially discussed their take-over plans in the press, but that the Provisional Government took no steps to protect itself; in fact it did quite the opposite. Prime Minister Alexander Kerensky refused to order special troops to Petrograd, when this was suggested. (Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich, “Utopia in Power”, London, 1986, p. 37.)
It is of course a fabrication that the leading Bolsheviks gathered on the 23rd of October (5th of November) in Nikolai Sukhanov’s (Gimmel’s) flat and only then decided to organise the assault on the Winter Palace. Any other Bolshevik leaders but Lenin and Trotsky would have said that armed action was completely unnecessary, since they would gain power at the Second Soviet Congress on the 25th October (7th of November) anyway. This seems to have been a later invention since Trotsky had already formed a military revolutionary committee on the 12th (25th) of October. The power was transferred to this organ in secret on the 21st of October (3rd of November). (Heller and Nekrich, “Utopia in Power”, London, 1986, p. 38.)
All the available facts today suggest an organised plot and not any kind of spontaneous action.
Lenin was not seen between the 2nd and 7th of November. He was not needed. It was Trotsky who organised everything. Lenin disappeared from Fofanova’s flat in the late evenings. Only Stalin knew anything about Lenin’s mysterious disappearances. Lenin was not at Fofanova’s on the evening of the 24th of October (6th of November). Neither was he in the Soviet building in the Smolny palace. This was confirmed in the book “About Nadezhda Krupskaya”, published in 1988 in Moscow. Nadezhda had come from Smolny to Fofanova’s flat to look for Lenin. But he was not there. The historians Heller and Nekrich came to the same conclusion: Lenin was not even in Smolny in the late evening of the 6th of November. According to other sources, he turned up only on the 7th of November. He had taken a tram to Smolny. Lenin said to Trotsky in German: “Es schwindelt!” (I’m dizzy!). He was in control!
Lenin immediately began threatening with executions if he was not completely obeyed. But it was still Trotsky who led the show.
The Soviet Congress, which had taken up residence in the Smolny Girls’ School, was led by Fiodor Dan (actually Gurvich, 1871-1947), one of the Menshevik leaders. The conspirators announced already at 10:40 in the morning of the 7th of November that the Provisional Government had been overthrown and the power seized by the soviets. The Soviet Congress accepted the motion to form a new government -– the Council of People’s Commissaries (Sovnarkom). The suggestion received 390 votes out of 650. The government was to be exclusively composed of Bolsheviks with Lenin at the head. The leader of the Mensheviks, L. Martov, left the congress together with the other members of his party.
It was actually the military revolutionary committee who had seized the power. The Bolsheviks modelled it on the revolutionary committees the Jacobins created during the so-called French Revolution. The committee in Petrograd consisted of 18 Commissars. Most of them were either Jews or married to Jewesses. The chairman was Leon Trotsky (Jew). Other members were: Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin (half-Jew), Adolf Yoffe (Jew), Josef Unschlicht (Jew), Gleb Boky (Jew), Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (Jew), Konstantin Mekhonoshin (Jew), Mikhail Lashevich (Jew), Felix Dzerzhinsky (Rufin, Jew), P. Lazimir (Jew), A. Sadovsky (Jew), Pavel Dybenko (married to the Jewess Alexandra Kollontay), Nikolai Podvoisky, Vyacheslav Molotov (actually Skryabin), Vladimir Nevsky (Feodosi Krivobokov), Andrei Bubnov and Nikolai Skrypnik.
Lenin and his government gained power temporarily. That was why he also called his government provisional until the Constituent Assembly was elected on the 17th of November.
Something inexplicable happened at this point: in fact – nothing at all happened on the afternoon of the 7th of November. The historians cannot understand why the Winter Palace was not taken at once. The Soviet Congress also paused a while. Trotsky went into another room to rest. It was officially claimed that Lenin was in the building too, and went to sleep in another room in the afternoon.
At this time Lenin seemed to be but Trotsky’s bloodhound. At the Soviet Congress, only Trotsky was seen as he now and then came out to speak with some members. Lenin was nowhere to be seen. He only sent a few notes to Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko, Nikolai Podvoisky and some of the others at the congress. (Sergei Melgunov, “How the Bolsheviks Seized Power”, Paris, 1953.)
According to the myth, about 5000 sailors had already gathered around the Winter Palace to prepare the storming early in the morning of the 25th October (7th of November). In actual fact, this building was taken over by a few hundred “revolutionaries”, including 50 Red Guards, who calmly just marched straight into the palace.
What happened to all of those tens of thousands of “revolutionary soldiers” who are so warmly spoken of in the history books? This was just another fabrication, for the Winter Palace was never stormed. It was not necessary. But to take over the seat of power at a carefully calculated point in time was a symbolic act with astrological connotations for Lenin and Trotsky.
That was why Trotsky still wanted to gather as many people as possible. 235 workers were brought from the Baltic Dockyard. Only 80 were fetched from the Putilov Factory, despite 1500 Red Guards having been officially registered there. A total of 26 000 worked there. All the important sites in the city were taken over by a few thousand “revolutionaries”…
The first Red Guards gathered by the Winter Palace only at around 4:30 in the afternoon, according to the exiled Russian historian Sergei Melgunov. The chief of the Red Guards, Vladimir Nevsky (who later became People’s Commissary for Communications), received orders to wait. At around six o’clock, the principal of the Artillery Academy in Mikhailovsk ordered his cadets to leave the Winter Palace. The Cossacks also left, according to Sergei Melgunov’s book “How the Bolsheviks Seized Power” (Paris, 1953, p. 119).
Eventually only two companies of the women’s battalion and 40 disabled soldiers remained. This cannot be explained in any other way than that the Provisional Government did everything in its power to hand the Winter Palace over to the Bolsheviks as peacefully as possible. The Provisional Government no longer held any power. It was all just a big show for the public.
The theatres held their performances, the restaurants stayed open. Nobody noticed that anything strange was going on. The bridge watchmen had no idea about the real situation, either. Lenin and Trotsky, wishing to be on the safe side by securing all the transport routes between the different areas of the city, had bribed all the bridge watchmen.
Time passed and still nothing happened. Everybody waited. According to the myth, the Bolsheviks had issued an ultimatum to the Provisional Government, which refused to answer. But how could they issue an ultimatum to a government which already on the 3rd of November had voluntarily handed over power to the military revolutionary committee? Besides, Trotsky had confirmed at 2:35 in the afternoon of the 7th of November that the Provisional Government no longer existed. At 10 o’clock the Soviet Congress had proclaimed: “Government power lies with the Military Revolutionary Committee!”
Why it was necessary for Trotsky to put up a show will soon be evident to the observant reader. Trotsky wanted the whole spectacle to appear more dramatic than it actually was. For this reason, he had a number of shells fired from the Peter-Paul Fort while trams continued to roll over the Troitsky Bridge, according to the British ambassador Sir George Buchanan (who, by the way, was involved in the deposition of the Tsar). The remarkable thing was that those shells never hit the Winter Palace. The official explanation was that they were aimed too badly. But why could the Bolsheviks not find anyone among all those thousands of “revolutionary soldiers” who could aim properly? It appears that those who fired the shells suddenly lost their ability to aim straight. All those explosions only managed to break one single window. Why were precisely 35 shells fired? Did that number have some Cabbalistic meaning?
The Red Guards waited for a while outside the Winter Palace despite the absence of guards at the sidedoor, according to M. Heller and A. Nekrich (“Utopia in Power”, London, 1986, p. 41). Neither did the Petrograd Garrison take any action against the Bolsheviks. They just watched the show.
The Red Guards walked around in the city and coerced a few sailors into following them to the Winter Palace, including Indrikis Ruckulis, who was a 27-year-old Latvian officer from Kronstadt and the commander of a group of sailors. He was threatened with death when he refused to accompany the Red Guards. He asserted that no single shell was fired from the armoured cruiser Aurora to give the signal for the storming, as was later claimed (Expressen, the 17th of October 1984). This was another myth.
There was no storming of the Winter Palace. Everything proceeded calmly. No blood was spilled. The Red Guards just waited until it was time to march in. They waited until 1:30 in the morning, according to Indrikis Ruckulis and several other sources. They opened fire for fifteen minutes for the sake of appearances. Nobody was hurt during this “battle”, according to a young Marxist, Uralov, who was there. There was nobody to hurt. The Bolsheviks’ fire was never answered.
The Red Guards and sailors then walked through side doors into the Winter Palace, according to the historians Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich, who had found testimonies relating this. The remaining members of the women’s battalion made no resistance, but “capitulated immediately”. When the Bolsheviks had coolly walked in through the unguarded entrances, they strolled about in the halls and corridors and greeted the “defenders”, who did not resist, in a friendly manner (E. M. Halliday, “Russia in Revolution”, Malmï¿½, 1968, p. 120). Even E. M. Halliday confirms that there was never a battle. Only in Moscow was any kind of resistance offered. The Kremlin was fired upon until three in the morning, despite the fact that the cadets had left the building by 7 o’clock on the previous evening.
Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (1883-1937), who was a comrade of Trotsky, had been given the task of removing the Provisional Government. Here something extremely puzzling occurred. This was related by Radio Russia on the 12th of August 1991 at two in the afternoon.
Antonov-Ovseyenko and his Red Guards reached the Malachite Hall just before two o’clock and waited behind a door leading to the council chamber of the Provisional Government. The government (without Kerensky) had, against all reason, gathered there. Why?
Antonov-Ovseyenko just stood looking at the clock. Red Guards and sailors also stood waiting for Antonov-Ovseyenko’s signal. They waited there for about ten minutes. He later sent a telegram to Lenin: “The Winter Palace was taken over at 2:04.”
At 2:10 Antonov-Ovseyenko said: “It is time!” (“Para!”) to the Red Guards. He opened the door and said something very cryptic: “Gentlemen! Your time is up!”
We may presume that the Bolsheviks officially took over on the 26th October (8th of November) 1917 at 2:04 in the morning. A closer astrological investigation reveals that the sun was just then in the precise centre of the sign of Scorpio (14*58’).
In the horoscope of the Soviet regime, MC (Medium Coeli = the zenith) lay 4*28’ in Gemini (which stands for power) – an aspect which was favourable to the seizure of power. This horoscope was the worst possible for the subjects of the Soviet Union. It shows that everything was based upon deceit. Only technical development was favoured, spiritual values were entirely rejected. Only the terrorist powermongers were at an advantage. According to its horoscope, the Soviet regime brought nothing good at all into the world. People should have been wary of such a deadly power. It brought only enormous problems and catastrophes. This interpretation is confirmed by the Swedish astrologer Anders Ekström in Skyttorp.
REVIEWED: Swedish book “Under Skorpionens tecken: Sovjetmaktens uppkomst och fall”. (“Under the Sign of the Scorpion: The Rise and Fall of Soviet Empire”), Referent Publishing, Stockholm, 2002.
“Under the Sign of the Scorpion” is a fantastic book. Even its subtitle, “The Rise and Fall of Soviet Empire” seemed to promise just too much. The present reviewer was not disappointed, however. In the comparatively small space of 447 pages the author has succeeded in giving the reader that wealth of details (the index of persons mentioned in the book comprises more than 1200 names) as well as that necessary survey which together make a historical account alive, in the highest degree.
Lina starts by following, in two chapters, the history of comï¿½munist thought from 18th century Illuminates up to Moses Hess and his disciples Marx and Engels. The subsequent chapters on Lenin and Trotsky, respectively, afford a lot of little known facts. For instance, how many people know that both Lenin and Trotsky and Marx and Engels were high-ranking freemasons?
Thereupon Lina concentrates on the course of events leading up to the November coup of 1917, the so-called Russian Revoluï¿½tion. Beside generally known facts about the aid given by the German government, Lina gives a detailed account of the finanï¿½cial aid that bank circles in Germany, Great Britain, and the United States gave the Bolshevik leaders. He also exposes that network of family and other personal relationships which made it possible for very influential, chiefly Jewish financial groups to operate across the borders of the two combating blocs of the First World War.
Lina proves to be a skilful pedagogue when demonstrating how the implacable mutual hostility that was enacted between the financial and revolutionary interests, was just a show to deceive the masses: “The Revolution as a business venture.”
His description of the time after 1917 is chiefly devoted to the nameless mass terror, which the Soviet Power directed against the defenseless population, including the destruction of the Russian intelligentsia, and the annihilation of the Russian culture.
Why did the Bolsheviks nourish such a deep-set hatred of everything Russian, desiring to destroy it even to the extent that it threatened their own material existence? According to Lina, the reason for this was that the majority of the Bolshevik leadership were not Russians at all but extremist Jews. This is a fact that some debaters feel is controversial. Lina, however, presents detailed evidence that is very difficult to dismiss.
Still, many a reader may find it very difficult to conceive the fact that a powerful empire in our century could so easily fall prey to ruthless gangsters who immediately set out to slaughter tens of millions of innocent people, organized mass famine (Ukraine and Northern Caucasia, in 1932-33), to say nothing of the rest. Anyhow, the facts are there.
The fall of Soviet Power on 24 August 1991 made it possible, for the first time, to publicize lots of secret materials about this power and its abusers during more than 70 years. One strong point with Lina’s book is that he gives us what appears to be a rich summary of what has hitherto been published by Russian historians but which has not reached out of Russia except than in small rivulets.
Jüri Lina is an Estonian, living in Sweden since 1979 when he, like Alexander Solzhenitsyn, was forced into exile after recurring conflicts with the political police KGB. The last chapter of his book he devotes to the fate of his fatherland under Soviet Power, 1940-41 and 1944-1991. Here, too, “the Jewish connection” is very clearly seen. To cite just an instance: When Soviet Russia occupied Estonia for the first time, in 1940, this was preceded by diverse underground activities by the Estonian Communist Party. These were without much effect, however, mainly because the party was so small in numbers. Out of the total of 133 members in 1940, however, 67 were also members of two Jewish “cultural” associations. That is to say, there was a majority of Jews in the Communist fifth column that attempted to overthrow the Estonian Republic, while at the same time the Jews were not more than 0,4 per cent of the total population.
This last chapter on Estonia is very interesting to read also because the wealth of details of the destinies of individuals who “chanced to escape the anonymity of the great terror waves”. Here, Lina bases his presentation on his own research into the archives of Estonian KGB, now open to researchers. It is also very upsetting to read about this mass of human suffering – what else could we expect?
In the opinion of the present reviewer, Jüri Lina’s book “Under the Sign of the Scorpion: The Rise and Fall of Soviet Empire” is one of those rare books that must leave a profound and lasting impression on every reader.
Reviewed by S. D. Savallar